Without Its Own Platform, Brazil Is at the Mercy of American Social Networks

Over the past week, we have witnessed the deportation of immigrants by the United States government to Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, along with the ensuing controversy. Did Itamaraty make a mistake by accepting the transport and landing of citizens shackled at the hands and feet? Was the Colombian president right to write an indignant letter? In my view, these are pointless questions.
This is because the consequences of each case justify varied opinions, which, however, fail to adequately address a central issue in the relationship between these countries: Latin America’s economic and technological dependence on the United States’ political system.
With the rise of digital social networking platforms, this technological disparity has only deepened, making it so that a continental country like Brazil depends entirely—or almost entirely—on American platforms for networked communication, including official government pages. These platforms, as we have seen, follow the shifting moods of Democrats and Republicans in the White House.
Furthermore, even with Brazil’s unwavering adherence to this system, conflicts still arise, as the country is one of the world’s largest markets for social media users. In fact, Brazil is the global leader in digital influencers on Instagram, according to a recent Nielsen study.
In this context, it would be unthinkable for an economic and political activity of this scale to remain unregulated. However, while this conclusion already faces resistance on its own, legislative efforts to advance in this area are continuously hindered by political polarization.
Is there a way out? I have been reflecting on this question with you in this column, and in last week’s piece, I suggested that one possible solution would be the creation of a Brazilian big tech hub. It was a provocation.
Little did I know that, just a week later, China would launch its own artificial intelligence app, causing massive losses for these American companies. I had no idea. However, seeing in practice something that, to me, seems like an obvious public policy move only reinforced my understanding of its importance.
Building on this provocation, in the previous text, I mentioned the idea of a state-owned national social media company. This might unsettle those who consider themselves patriots. But it must be said: patriotism is very different from loving one’s country.
For example, swearing allegiance to a flag—be it Brazil’s, the United States’, or both—or even shedding tears in the presence of an American authority is easy. Now, building a national technology company in the social media sector requires confronting the discomfort of being labeled “anti-Brazil” or “pro-Trump.”
That’s where things get complicated for the patriot. Because if the phrase “make the nation great again” resonates with many Americans, an Ariano Suassuna might respond, “make this country sovereign, finally.” Two conflicting slogans.
Adding to this is the myth of racial democracy ingrained in Brazilian identity. Here, people boast that anything can be resolved over a samba circle in Leblon, two bottles of whiskey in Brasília, a hotel meeting in São Paulo, lots of camaraderie, and women serving drinks. Biden is our “brother,” Trump is our “legend.” Both, supposedly, want what’s best for us. I understand that this colonial fantasy may be comforting to many, but no illusion can withstand the evidence of reality.
Returning to the main thread, Brazilian initiatives alone do not seem strong enough to compete on the global stage. They are certainly better than nothing, and the federal government’s announcements about developing its own artificial intelligence are very welcome.
However, these American companies go beyond monopolizing AI; they also dominate the social media platform market. Moreover, they have decades of head start, colossal capital, and government support. The historical inertia of Brazilian politicians in taking action on this issue has been so profound that it may already be too late.
The only option is to persist and build with hope, as Paulo Freire said. Observing this “triple deportation” reminded me of the shared identity between the countries forced to receive these flights and the additional disrespect they endured while doing so. Perhaps this episode will inspire a transnational, amefrican alliance—following the vision of Lélia Gonzalez—to develop big tech hubs that operate outside the dollar’s domain. Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, and any others willing to join.
To conclude, a reflection. When asked about Latin America’s future, Eduardo Galeano replied:
“I don’t know, but I do know its challenge. The challenge is: will we become a sad caricature of the North? Or will we offer the world a different world?”
Originally published in Folha de S. Paulo
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